Underlying Normal Traits Within Abnormal Personality Disorders

Running Head: NORMAL TRAITS WITHIN ABNORMAL PERSONALITY DISORDERS Underlying Normal Traits within Abnormal Personality Disorders Student University April 11, 2010 Running Head: NORMAL TRAITS WITHIN ABNORMAL PERSONALITY DISORDERS Abstract Scholars have argued for decades concerning the fact that there are normal personality traits underlying abnormal personality traits in people who exhibit dysfunctional personalities. The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition is the determinative guide on the descriptions of these personality characteristics, and it determined that there were everal models to be considered when looking for a universal clinical definition of abnormal personality. Researchers used either the Big Four, Big Five or other models to describe what an abnormal personality consisted of and how it related to a normal personality as studied. Researchers measured personality differences based on qualitative, quantitative and other key factor diffe rences to determine normal or abnormal functioning personalities. It was difficult to determine one substantive definition, as the traits overlapped from normal to abnormal characteristics noted. Later, the definition of personality dysfunctions included life skills, personal tasks and life goals, and whether the individual was able to function as a member of his society, while meeting the expectations of that society. A person’s maladaptiveness and evolutionary sense were added as part of the definition of whether the personality was normal or abnormal, and whether a person had the skill to be able to manage personal relationships were considered as well in the general definition of abnormal personality. Today, treatment options are expanded from the traditional therapy treatments to include drug therapies, psychodynamic herapy, day hospital intervention, and dialectical behavior therapy. To date, day hospital interventions have proved very successful on non-schizophrenic patients suffering from abnormal personality traits. Running Head: NORMAL TRAITS WITHIN ABNORMAL PERSONALITY DISORDERS Introduction Scholars have argued for decades concerning the fact that there are normal personality traits underlying abnormal personality traits in people who exhibit dysfunctional personalities. Recently, scholars have begun to make an argument that current category systems of personality isorders (PDs) should be substituted by trait dimensional scheme designations in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition (DSM-IV; American Psychiatric Association, 2000). Experts are leaning towards using a Big Four model, which are â€Å"essentially maladaptive variants of the Big Five traits of normal personality, minus Openness† (Watson, 1545). In a discussion of this issue by Watson, Clark and Chmielewski, they state that the newly comprised Big Four model excludes odd or eccentric Cluster A PDs, (Watson, 1545) and that their results noted from three studies show a relationship examining the actors of normal and abnormal personalities. Their results established that the Oddity factor was considered more broad than the Cluster A tr aits and more distinct from Openness and other Big Five models, which suggested â€Å"an alternative five factor model of personality pathology (considering only abnormal traits) and an expanded, integrated Big Six taxonomy that subsumes both normal and abnormal personality characteristics† (Watson, 1545). Model Theories The Watson study explains that the Big Four structure was a result of developed hierarchical models that combined general models, like the Big Three and the Big Five models. These former models of personality reviews included multidimensional factors reminiscent of Running Head: NORMAL TRAITS WITHIN ABNORMAL PERSONALITY DISORDERS past personality inventories. When the Big Three and Big Five models were formally combined, it was apparent that â€Å"two higher order traits—Neuroticism/Negative Emotionality and Extraversion/Positive Emotionality—are included in both models† (Watson, 1547). Considering these changes, Watson proposes a â€Å"Big Four† theory which does not include Openness, but does include many of the traits of the other theories. Watson reports that their research on the Big Five heory also includes research on a Big Six taxonomy â€Å"that subsumes both normal and abnormal personality dimensions (Watson, 1551). Definitions of Abnormal Personalities Researchers have made recent discoveries that â€Å"abnormal personalities can be modeled as extremes of normal personality variation† (O’Connor & Doyc e, 2001) (Markon, p. 139). Even though researchers agree that it is possible to describe normal and abnormal personalities within the same frameworks, they disagree on the structure of what the framework will encompass. Even abnormal personality traits are seen now as a variant of the extremes that can happen when eviewing normal personalities. One way to make sense of the distinctions between normal and abnormal personalities is to describe personality disorders (PDs) and develop a working definition for them. By defining the traits for PDs, the researcher is able to develop a base for delineating personalities studied. Once normal traits are identified, abnormal traits need to be assessed. This can be done by reviewing the Big Five model of abnormal personalities. This is the juncture that normal and abnormal personalities overlap. Apparently, there are similar modeling structures that can be tilized to describe both normal and abnormal personalities. Some traits are very common R unning Head: NORMAL TRAITS WITHIN ABNORMAL PERSONALITY DISORDERS between the two models, and others mimic similar personality descriptions. Meta-analytic Investigation Model One cohesive factor that applies to both normal and abnormal personalities is the meta- analytic investigation model. This model was proposed by O’Connor in 2002, and it stated that there were structural relationships between normal and abnormal personalities (Markon, p. 142). The O’Connor study in 2002 reviewed 37 personality and psychopathology inventories to etermine if dimensional structure differences existed between clinical and nonclinical respondents (O’Connor B. P. , 2002). O’Connor found similarity between normal and abnormal populations reviewed and measured similarities â€Å"both in the number of factors that exist in the data matrices and in the factor pattern† (O’Connor B. P. , 2002). The ten abnormal behavior disorders listed by the DSM-IV are listed as: paranoid, schizoid, schizotypal, antisocial, borderline, histrionic, narcissistic, avoidant, dependent, and obsessive–compulsive† (Livesley & Jang, p. 258). Each of these disorders shows traits, and it is he way that professional clinicians are able to make accurate diagnoses of abnormal personality traits of their patients. This listing of traits by the DSM, showed that the distinction between what was considered normal and what was considered abnormal was often defined by distinguishing the â€Å"qualitative distinction between the two† (Livesley & Jang, p. 258). Unfortunately, in truth researchers have come to find out that there are no true separations between normal and abnormal disorders, and they are hard pressed to find the dividing lines between the two entities. O’Connor asked whether the distinction can be made using former Running Head: NORMAL TRAITS WITHIN ABNORMAL PERSONALITY DISORDERS models, and what exactly was normal or abnormal personality disorder. When the conceptual distinctions between the two were reviewed, there are several models to note. The most noteworthy working model being that there was â€Å"no evidence of discontinuity in the distributions of 100 traits selected to provide a systematic representation of personality disorder† (Livesley & Jang, p. 259). In other words, there was no concrete evidence that the researchers would consistently find traits that were exclusively common or descriptive of a specific personality disorder. In fact, personality disorders were measured across normal and control groups. The findings were that there were similarities within the disorder traits and that some equaled normal and others disordered personality traits. In this way, the researchers queried whether disorder traits could be seen in normal personalities. The answer was that there were few solid frameworks to make the decision which would provide a definitive answer to the question. In effect, extreme ends of the traits seemed to be deemed disorders, while extreme variations alone may not have been considered enough to state that a personality disorder actually existed. Quantitative Differences in Normal and Abnormal Personalities Quantitative differences exist between the normal and abnormal personality. The differences often mix up and muddle the personality traits and the disorders apparent within them. With personality disorders, often â€Å"it is difficult to see how an extreme score on dimensions such as conscientiousness, extraversion, or agreeableness is necessarily pathological. Researchers agreed that there were to be other additional factors that needed be present to justify the diagnosis (Livesley & Jang, p. 262). That additional trait is inflexibility and subjective Running Head: NORMAL TRAITS WITHIN ABNORMAL PERSONALITY DISORDERS distress (Livesley & Jang, p. 259). The character trait of inflexibility is defined as one where the person has extreme traits, but not necessarily only an extreme position noted on any given trait. For example, a person who is extremely open and gregarious, but then is not able to tone down his personality when necessary would be an example of this trait. Continuing with this example, what would make the person who is considered otherwise outgoing and spontaneous a person who is suffering from a personality disorder? Maladaptive Personalities The answer may come from prior work done by researchers who were determining personality and abnormal personality disorders. Extreme actions alone were not enough to say the person operated outside of â€Å"normal† personality parameters. The researchers at the time believed that personality disorders were the result of someone suffering from an abnormal variation of a personality being studied. It was measured in how much the person suffered from the disorder. This is where the theory of maladaptation or dyscontrolled impairment came into play (Widiger & Trull, 1991; Widiger & Sankis, 2000). The reason the researchers sought a generalized definition is that without one, they â€Å"would have to catalogue the various maladaptive manifestations of each trait† (Livesley & Jang, p. 263). This was a difficult proposition, since even â€Å"normal† people were prone to exhibit maladaptive traits at some time in their lives. Another problem came with the idea of traits as one certain set of behaviors that were noted on subjects clinically or otherwise. Extreme exhibitions of a trait may show some measureable amount of psychopathology, but were not exclusively indicative of being considered classically maladaptive. In this way, the researchers determined Running Head: NORMAL TRAITS WITHIN ABNORMAL PERSONALITY DISORDERS that the â€Å"definition of personality disorder needs to incorporate features of disorder that are separate from, although possibly correlated with, extreme trait variation† (Livesley & Jang, p. 263). Harmful Dysfunctional Traits in Personalities These descriptions of personality were necessary because there were more than these factors to consider when determining a personality disorder. In fact, personality was considered to be â€Å"a system of interrelated structures and processes† (Costa & McCrae, 1994; Mischel, 1999; Vernon, 1964) which included a person’ dispositional traits, motives, coping mechanisms, and ability to tame impulses are part of the process of determining normal or abnormal indications of personality. In other words, if these traits were considered â€Å"harmful dysfunctions,† (Wakefield, 1992; Livesley & Jang, p. 263) they consisted of harmful traits that were underlying natural functions. So, the definition of a personality disorder can be considered a harmful dysfunction in the normally adaptive functions of a person’s personality system (Livesley & Jang, p. 263) Another issue within the developing studies of personality disorders was that personality functions were considered to be seen as disturbed in individuals who exhibited personality disorders. Researcher Cantor described a person’s personality as the types of tasks a person sets as personal goals, and they way the person looks at his or her â€Å"self, and life situations, and the strategies used to achieve personal tasks† (Livesley & Jang, p. 263). This delineation of personality traits offered a true to form definition of what a personality disorder consisted of for the individual suffering from it. It was considered of a higher order than simply a dysfunction of a personality trait. Here it was described as needing to concentrate on life tasks as the Running Head: NORMAL TRAITS WITHIN ABNORMAL PERSONALITY DISORDERS determining factor to determining if an individual had a personality disorder, and was therefore considered abnormal in terms of functioning personality. The researchers assumed that as a person lives his life, he orders his tasks as to what he sets as priorities for completing goals and meeting the needs of his immediate surrounding community and culture. This comes under the order of living in society and meeting the expectations of people who live near the individual, or a way of fitting in within his community. It also had to do with the person’s mean biology, or biological features characteristic of the individual. In fact, these tasks did vary depending on where the person lived and what the person had do to be able to survive in his culture. These may come under the umbrella of life skills, and they are definitely different considering where a person lived or had grown up. For example, a person who grew up in a small native Alaskan out island would have different life skills that ould a person who grew up and lived in a borough of Manhattan, NY. The two personalities of these individuals might be similar, but their life skills would be developed in obviously different ways. The person living in the native island village would have an understanding of the elements and what is necessary for bare-bones survival in possibly e xtreme conditions. While, the person who grew up in the city would have to understand how to be â€Å"street smart† and may need to know how to survive in even a potentially violent atmosphere if the neighborhood suggested those skills were essential to survive on a daily basis. Each individual may otherwise be soft spoken, or be considered similarly warm-hearted or kind. But decidedly, their life skills would separate them and put them a world away from each other in what they knew and needed to depend on to survive in their environment on a daily basis. Running Head: NORMAL TRAITS WITHIN ABNORMAL PERSONALITY DISORDERS Universal Tasks Underlying Personality Traits The researchers then understood that there would need to be a set of universal tasks that needed to be identified. These universal tasks were considered of â€Å"evolutionary significance† nd featured four universal challenges as set by Plutchik (1980). These were the four ways a person’s identity was developed and they included: the solution to the problems of dominance and submissiveness created by hierarchy that is characteristic of primate social hierarchies; development of a sense of territoriality or belongingness; and solution to the problems of temporality, that is, problems of loss and separation. This allowed the researchers studying personality disorders to come to the conclusion that personality disorders prevented an individual from managing the adaptive answers or solutions hat were considered universally applicable to everyone, or a person’s life tasks. When an individual had a deficit in any of these areas, there was a noted â€Å"harmful dysfunction† and the person was unable to adapt to be able to function in his environment or society. The life tasks then seen as either being fulfilled or being abandoned by the individual, probably because of this identified deficit. Personality disorder was seen as different from other disorders by the fact that these failures â€Å"should be enduring and traceable to adolescence or at least early adulthood and hey should be due to extreme personality variation rather than another pervasive and chronic mental disorder such as a cognitive or schizophrenic disorder† (Livesley & Jang, p. 26 4). Running Head: NORMAL TRAITS WITHIN ABNORMAL PERSONALITY DISORDERS Evolutionary Sense Within Personality Traits There was talk of the individual not being able to adapt to his environment in an â€Å"evolutionary sense† which spoke to whether the person had garnered enough skills for ensuring adaptive social behavior to allow reproduction and survival (Livesley & Jang, p. 264). This was xplained as stating that the adaptive traits would contribute to the person adapting to his environment and society in general, and the person adapting to his family unit would move the person towards being able to rear children and eventually reproduce to pass down his traits to offspring later on. This is the general definition of people who have self confidence in their dealings with others, and are able to live in harmony in stable relationships, while becoming productive members within their society or community. These can be seen to be part of the ancestral or evolutionary needs of ev ery individual, whether the person had an abnormal ersonality or normal personality. The more common description of an abnormal personality comes from what the common person observes when someone has problems dealing within a relationship. Rutter (1987) stated that personality disorders were characterized by â€Å"persistent, pervasive abnormality in social relationships and social functioning generally† (Rutter, p. 454). Also, Tyrer (2001) stated that â€Å"we do not necessarily need to know everything about someone's personality to recognise the elements that make it disordered† (Tyrer, p. 83). Tyrer states quite honestly that psychiatrists iew these descriptive axioms as something to be deferred, and says â€Å"personality disorder and mental retardation are stigmatic terms that psychiatrists like to avoid† (Tyrer, p. 83). So the question is, how can one determine the underlying normality within the abnormal Running Head: NORMAL TRAITS WITHIN ABNORMAL PERSONA LITY DISORDERS personality? For this the clinician and the layperson need review the DSM-III, considered the premier source of personality disorder classification (American Psychiatric Association, 1980). The DSM classifies what is considered normal and abnormal in terms of personality. The professionals in the field disagree to the proposed stereotyping of this group of classifications, on the basis of the fact that such profiling is considered â€Å"quite inappropriate in such a complicated field† (Tyrer, p. 84). In fact, it appears that there are burgeoning alternative and substitute classifications being used for determining personality disorders in surveys, trials, studies and private practice. Most people would be surprised to find out that this topic has been heatedly debated over the past two decades. Many people most likely assume that there is one clinical efinition of what is normal, and what is not normal when it comes to personality disorders. The media plays into this, as well as the television and movie plots. The person seen as abnormal is cloaked in symbolic black, speaks in a raspy voice or has otherwise obvious mentally deviant behaviors that even the least sophisticated person in the audience could confidently label as the â€Å"bad guy. † Personality Disorders Studied Abroad Even the study of personality disorders abroad have led researchers to agree to disagree in the area of determining how to describe profiles for patients with underlying normal traits within heir abnormal personality profiles. In a study performed by McCrae (2001) in The People’s Republic of China, 1,909 psychiatric patients were examined to determine the accuracy of the hypotheses determined from the Interpretive Report of the Revised NEO Personality Inventory (McCrae, p. 155). The researchers determined that the PDs were not separate categories that Running Head: NORMAL TRAITS WITHIN ABNORMAL PERSONALITY DISORDERS could be determined in a vacuum. They realized that they needed to consider a more comprehensive and forgiving system of personality traits, to be considered an accurate measure f the patient’s personality issues and concerns. The researchers found that the personality traits of the patients did not fit into the DSM-IV defined traits. They did â€Å"draw on the same five underlying personality traits† (McCrae, p. 171), and were considered redundant, but there were several areas of overlap to be considered conclusive. In fact, over 60% of the patients that were being treated for maladaptive personalities were not meeting the criteria defined in the DSM-IV, as relating to any criteria for a PD (McCrae, p. 171). The maladaptive behaviors, the person’s habits and personal attitudes were all measured o find a comprehensive scale for measuring the personality traits of the patients. It was determined that the results were insignificant, and concluded that personality profiles were â€Å"modest predictors of categorical PDs, but they are immensely informative about people† (McCrae, p. 172). Treatment Options for Abnormal Personality Traits But clinicians and psychiatrists are still interested in treating and helping people who exhibit the traits of these personality disorders identified above. They are in disagreement whether there are normal traits that are underlying the abnormal personality traits that deserve to e treated in an effort to offer the patient an opportunity to live a full and productive life. This is a critical option for people who have normal personality traits, but also exhibit the identified borderline abnormal personality traits as well within their psyche. Over a half decade ago, the best treatments were heralded as therapeutic, and they seemed Running Head: NORMAL TRAITS WITHIN ABNORMAL PERSONALITY DISORDERS to promise the greatest success overall. But today, there are many alternate treatments available for individuals exhibiting abnormal personality disorders. They include drug therapies, sychodynamic therapy, day hospital intervention, and dialectical behavior therapy (Linehan, 1992, Tyrer, p. 84). Other methods of treatment that carry high success for the patients are the partial hospitalization of patients (Bateman & Fonagy, 1999). Bateman & Fonagy compared the effectiveness of treating patients exhibiting borderline personality disorders with partial hospitalization s a standard psychiatric care. They studied thirty-eight patients with borderline personality disorder and offered them individual and group psychoanalytic psychotherapy, for up to 18 months (Bateman & Fonagy, 1999). The results were that the patients who had been partially hospitalized did exhibit less problems, with â€Å"An improvement in depressive symptoms, a decrease in suicidal and self-mutilatory acts, reduced inpatient days, and better social and interpersonal function began at 6 months and continued until the end of treatment at 18 months† (Bateman & Fonagy, 1999). Their conclusion was that the partial hospitalization was determined as a far superior type of psychiatric care for those patients exhibiting borderline personality disorder. This treatment option was in opposition with the standard treatment options of the herapies listed above. These results were similar in the study by Piper, (1993) where a day treatment program at the University of Alberta Hospital in Edmonton, Alberta was studied. The patients were referred from the day treatment program and walk-in clinic, and utilized participants with â€Å"chronically disturbed non-schizophrenic patients, who usually have aff ective and personality disorders† (Piper, p. 757). The results of the study were that day treatment programs were considered effective for patients with long-term nonschizophrenic disorders. The Running Head: NORMAL TRAITS WITHIN ABNORMAL PERSONALITY DISORDERS atients noted significant improvement in â€Å"four of the five areas studied—interpersonal functioning, symptomatology, life satisfaction, and self-esteem—as well as in several of disturbance associated with individual objectives (Piper, p. 762). Reference American Psychiatric Association (1980) Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (3rd edn) (DSM—III). Washington, DC: APA. Bateman, A. & Fonagy, P. (1999). Effectiveness of partial hospitalization in the treatment of borderline personality disorder: a randomized controlled trial. American Journal of Psychiatry, 156, 1563-1569. Retrieved on April 9, 2010 from http://ajp. sychiatryonline. org/cgi/content/full/156/10/1563? ijkey=bb19a5d 116af525fe927da3b0a0c0250f3d61de3 Costa, P. T. , & McCrae, R. R. (1994). Can personality change? In T. F. Heatherton, & J. L. Weinberger (Eds. ), Can personality change? (pp. 21–40). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Linehan, M. M. (1992) Cognitive Therapy for Borderline Personality Disorder. New York: Guilford Press. Livesley, W. John & Jang, Kerry L.. (2005). Differentiating normal, abnormal, and disordered personality, European Journal of Personality, 19(4), 257-268. Markon, K. E, Krueger, R. F. , & Watson, D. (2005). Delineating the structure of normal and bnormal personality: An integrative hierarchical approach. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 88, 139–157. EBSCO Database: Academic Search Premier. McCrae, Robert R. , Jian, Yang, et al. (2001). Personality Profiles and the Prediction of Categorical Personality Disorders. Journal of Personality, 69(2), 155-174. Mischel, W. (1999). Personality coherence and dispositions in a Cognitiveà ¢â‚¬â€œAffective Personality System (CAPS) approach. In D. Cervone, & Y. Shoda (Eds. ), The coherence of personality (pp. 37–60). New York: Guilford. O’Connor B. P. (2002). The search for dimensional structure differences between normality and bnormality: A statistical review of published data on personality and psychopathology. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 83(4), 962–982. Retrieved on April 9, 2010 from http://www. ncbi. nlm. nih. gov/pubmed/12374447 O’Connor B. P. & Dyce J. A. (2001) Rigid and extreme: A geometric representation of personality disorders in five-factor model space. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 81, 1119–1130. PubMed Database. Piper, W. E. , Rosie, J. S. , Azim, H. F. A, Joyce A. S. (1993). A randomized trial of psychiatric day treatment for patients with affective and personality disorders. Hosp Community Psychiatry, 44, 757–763. Plutchik, R. (1980). A general psychoevolutionary theory of emotion. In R. Plutchik, & H. Kellerman (Eds. ), Emotion: Theory, research, and experience (pp. 3–33). San Diego, CA: Academic. Rutter, M. (1987). Temperament, personality and personality disorder. British Journal of Psychiatry, 150, 443–458. Tyrer, Peter. (2001). Personality disorder. The British Journal of Psychiatry, 179, 81-84. Retrieved on April 9, 2010 from http://bjp. rcpsych. org/cgi/content/full/179/1/81 Watson, David, Clark, Lee Anna, Chmielewski, Michael. (2008). Structures of Personality and Their Relevance to Psychopathology: II. Further Articulation of a Comprehensive Unified Trait Structure. Journal of Personality, 76(6), 1545-1586. EBSCO Database: Academic Search Premier. Vernon, P. E. (1964). Personality assessment: A critical survey. London: Methuen. Wakefield, J. C. (1992). Disorder as harmful dysfunction: A conceptual critique of DSM-III-R’s definition of mental disorder. Psychological Review, 99, 232–247. Widiger, T. A. , & Sankis, L. M. (2000). Adult psychopathology: Issues and controversies. Annual Review of Psychology, 51, 377–404. Widiger, T. A. , & Trull, T. J. (1991). Diagnosis and clinical assessment. Annual Review of

Downsizing: the Financial and Human Implications Essay

This essay examines the effects of downsizing with regard to the human and financial implications. Since the mid to late 1980s, downsizing has â€Å"transformed the corporate landscape and changed the lives of hundreds of millions of individuals around the world† (Gandolfi, 2008, p. 3). For the purposes of this essay, downsizing is defined as the planned elimination of jobs, involving redundancies, and is designed to improve financial performance (Macky, 2004). It will be argued that while downsizing can be an effective strategy, it frequently does not improve financial health, and the human implications can be severe and costly. This essay will discuss: first, downsizing definitions; second, motivation for downsizing; third, a brief history of downsizing; fourth, approaches the implementation of downsizing; fifth, the human implications; sixth, the financial consequences; and, seventh, the reasons for the continued use of downsizing. There are differing perspectives regarding the downsizing phenomenon. At the most simple level, the strategy involves a planned contraction of the number of employees in an organisation (Cascio, 1993). For example, Macky (2004) describes downsizing as â€Å"an intentional reduction by management of a firm’s internal labour force using redundancies† (p. 2). However, other definitions encompass a wider range of implementation methods. Cameron (1994) defines downsizing as â€Å"a set of activities, undertaken on the part of the management of an organisation and designed to improve organisational efficiency, productivity, and/or competitiveness† (p. 192). These activities include hiring freezes, salary reductions, voluntary sabbaticals, exit incentives and reducing hours worked by employees. This essay will focus solely on the downsizing activity of redundancies. Various synonyms exist for downsizing, including resizing, rightsizing, smartsizing, restructuring, redundancies and reduction-in-force (Gandolfi, 2010; Macky, 2004). The main motivation for downsizing, at least for private companies, is to improve an organisation’s financial performance, which is also known as profit maximisation (Kammeyer, Liao & Avery, 2001). The factors contributing to downsizing decisions are complex and depend on company-specific, industry-specific and macroeconomic factors (Macky, 2004). In hard times, downsizing is a strategy that may be employed as a quick-fix, reactive response to compensate for reduced profit by reducing human related operational costs (Kowske, Lundby & Rasch, 2009; Ryan & Macky, 1998). In healthy times, the workforce may be reduced as part of a proactive human resource strategy to create a ‘lean and mean’ organisation (Chadwick, Hunter & Watson, 2004; Kowske et al. , 2009). An overwhelming body of academic research suggests that downsizing has surprisingly little success in increasing profitability and shareholder value, even though financial performance is its main intention (Cascio, 2002; De Meuse, Bergmann, Vanderheiden & Roraff, 2004; Lewin & Johnston, 2000). Despite the limited financial success of downsizing, it has remained a popular strategic tool with its use spanning the last three decades. Prior to the 1980s, downsizing was engaged primarily as a last resort, reactive response to changing manufacturing demands. It affected mostly blue-collar, semi-skilled employees (Littler, 1997). In contrast, since the 1980s, workforce reduction has become a leading strategy of choice, affecting employees at all levels, all around the globe (Mirabal & DeYoung, 2005, as cited in Gandolfi, 2008), within a wide variety of organisations encompassing all industries (Littler, 1998; Macky, 2004). Karake-Shalhoub (1999) suggests that downsizing has been the most significant business change of the 1980s. Downsizing increased in popularity during the 1990s, which has subsequently been described as the ‘downsizing decade’ (Dolan, Belout & Balkin, 2000). It has evolved from a reactive strategy in the 1980s, to become used as a proactive strategy. During the 1990s, large scale redundancy programs were viewed as the solution to the issues facing organisations such as AT&T, IBM, General Motors and British Telecom (Kinnie, Hutchinson & Purcell, 1998). The statistics are sobering, Cameron (1994) reported that 85% of Fortune 500 companies were downsized between 1989 and 1994, and 100% were planning to do so within the next five years. Furthermore, figures from the most recent global financial crisis demonstrate that downsizing remains a tool of choice. Rampell (2009) reported in the New York Times that 4. 4 million jobs, in the U. S. alone, were retrenched between September 2007 and March 2009. Two main approaches to the implementation of downsizing are currently employed. The first approach is popularly termed stealth layoffs and the second is referred to as non-selective layoffs (Gandolfi, 2009). Organisations have commonly employed both stealth layoffs and non-selective layoffs during the recent global financial crisis. Stealth layoffs involve an attempt to keep redundancies out of media attention, by making a series of small cuts rather than one large cut. Companies endeavour to save their public reputation from being tainted by their downsizing activities. Managers are not allowed to openly discuss redundancies and a blanket of secrecy is placed over all proceedings, employees are not informed of timing or extent of redundancies (Crosman, 2006). Mc Gregor (2008) reported a wave of people slowly trickling out of organisations. Citigroup provides one example of stealth downsizing. Story & Dash (2008) reported that in April 2007 the company announced elimination of 17,000 jobs. Then in January 2008 Citigroup announced a further 4,200 job cuts, followed by an additional 8,700 in April 2008 (Story & Dash, 2008). Non-selective downsizing involves mass redundancies, across all levels of an organisation. This is problematic because firms are at risk of losing their top performers who are difficult to replace. These are the people that will be required to drive future growth of the firm following the downsizing event. There is plenty of evidence of non-selective downsizing over the current global recession, for instance the finance industry has been deeply affected with U. S. anks making cuts of 65,000 employees between June 2007 and June 2008 (Story & Dash, 2008). Regarding the human implications of downsizing, the literature identifies three groups of people directly affected: the victims, the survivors, and the executioners. Academic studies refer to the victims of downsizing as the individuals who have been involuntarily removed from their positions (Casio, 1993; Dolan et al. , 2000; Gandolfi, 2008; Macky, 2004). The negative effects on victims of downsizing events can be devastating (Havlovick, Bouthillette & van der Wal, 1998). Previously, being well trained was sufficient to ensure a life-long job. However, the increasing competitiveness of the business environment has meant that recent layoffs have included higher paid white-collar workers, many of whom are at the peak of their careers. Victims are affected initially during the planning phase of the downsizing, then immediately following the redundancy announcement, and then in their subsequent employment. During the planning phase of downsizing, the threat of redundancies can subject employees to a number of emotional stresses. The stresses do not only embrace the immediate threat of redundancies, but also the prospect of demotion, and redundancies in the ong term. Evidence suggests that, as expected, such stresses have negative psychological impacts. For example, Catalano, Rook and Dooley (1986) in their interviews of 3,850 principle-wage earners in Los Angeles, found that that a decrease in job security increased the number of medical consultations for psychological distress. Likewise, Roskies and Louis-Guerin (1990) found in their survey of 1,291 Canadian managers, that managers who were insecure about their jobs showed poorer health than those who were secure, and the manager’s level of distress rose proportionally with their degree of insecurity. Following the redundancy announcement, there is strong evidence that victims suffer from adverse effects as a result of their job losses. These adverse effects include psychological stress, ill health, family problems, marital problems, helplessness, reduced self esteem, anxiety, depression, psychiatric morbidity, and feelings of social isolation (Greenglass & Burke, 2001). In particular, the affected individuals suffer from the loss of established social relationships and threats to their social identity (Macky, 2004). Greenglass and Burke (2001) also explain that the effects can vary greatly from person to person. The extent of personal damage is attributed to the individual’s resources of coping strategies, self-efficacy and social support. Evidence shows that the retrenched employees are able to respond in a more constructive manner depending on the extent to which they view the downsizing process as procedurally fair. Brokner, Konovsky, Cooper-Schneider, Folger, Martin and Bies (1994) found that employees remaining in their positions for up to three months after the announcement of their redundancy continued to exhibit positive work behaviours if the downsizing process was viewed as fair and transparent. There is evidence that subsequent employment opportunities are also affected by the victim’s previous redundancy experiences, including a change in their attitude towards the workplace. Macky (2004) provided evidence that the effects of redundancies flow onto the individual’s next position, resulting in decreased levels of commitment and loyalty. Dolan et al. (2000) also showed that there is some evidence that job loss created through redundancies may create lasting damage to the victim’s career. Similarly, Konovsky and Brockner (1993) found that individuals report a loss of earning power in their subsequent employment. On the other hand, Devine, Reay, Stainton and Collins–Nakai (2003), argue that victims who gain new employment have a greater sense of control and appear to be in a better position than those who were not retrenched. Noer (2009) suggests that negative impacts on victims are lessened by the various support packages for displaced employees that are paid for by the organisation, such as redundancy payments, career counselling and out-placement service. The second group of employees affected by downsizing are the survivors. The survivors are the employees who have remained with the firm after the redundancies have taken place (Littler, 1998). The survivors are important to the firm because they play a pivotal role in the effectiveness of the downsizing operation and the ongoing success of the organisation. The expertise and motivation of survivors is required to keep the firm moving forward following redundancies. However, surviving employees are left with increased pressures. These pressures include: larger workloads (Dolan at al. 2000), because survivors must take on the work of retrenched employees; as well as new and increased job responsibilities (Lewin & Johnston, 2000), as a result of key skills leaving the organisation. In addition to the increased work pressures, survivors must deal with profound and negative psychological responses. Gandolfi (2008) identifies three sets of the emotions, behaviours and attitudes exhibited b y surviving employees, which are commonly termed ‘sicknesses’ in literature (Applebaum, Delage, Labibb & Gault, 1997; Kowske at al. , 2009). The emergence of these sicknesses following a downsizing event is referred to as the ‘aftermath’ (Clark & Koonce, 1995) or the ‘downside’ (Cascio, 1993) of downsizing. The sicknesses identified are: survivor syndrome, survivor guilt and survivor envy. Kinnie et al. (1998) characterises survivor syndrome as encompassing a variety of psychological states in survivors, including heightened levels of stress, absenteeism and distrust, and as well as decreased levels of productivity, morale and work quality. Cascio (2002) portrays survivor syndrome in a similar way to Kinnie et al. 1998), showing decreased: levels of employee involvement, morale, work productivity and trust towards management. These mental states have a strong influence on the survivor’s work behaviour and attitudes, such as motivation, commitment, satisfaction and job performance (Applebaum et al. , 1997; Littler, Dunford, Bramble & Hede, 1997). The second sickness, survivor guilt, is a fe eling of responsibility or remorse as employees contemplate why their colleagues were retrenched instead of themselves. It is frequently expressed as fear, anger and depression (Noer, 2009). Survivor guilt can be particularly prevalent when survivors perceive that their work performance was no better than that of the downsized victims (Littler et al. , 1997). In this case, employees can reason that there is no benefit in performing if performance is not a criterion for job survival (Appelbaum, et al. , 1997). Appelbaum and colleagues argue that survivor guilt is heavily influenced by the manner in which the downsizing is perceived to be performed and the fairness of the decision making processes. Survivors of downsizing can also be plagued by a third sickness, survivor envy. This reflects the survivors’ envy of the victims in terms of presumed retirement packages, financially lucrative incentives, and new jobs with more attractive compensation (Kinnie et al. , 1998). For example, employees may feel that their retrenched ex-colleagues received redundancy pay outs; and have found new jobs they like, while the surviving employee must work twice as hard, and moreover, for the same pay. Kammeyer-Meuller, Liao and Avery (2001) hypothesise that survivors envy is dependent on the closeness of the relationship with the survivor. Brokner (1987) found that when survivors have little proximity to the victims, increases in redundancy payouts result in decreased self-reported performance. On the other hand, the study shows when survivors identify with the victims, increases in redundancy payouts increased self reported performance. Despite the stresses facing survivors, research shows that the needs of the survivors are frequently neglected by downsized firms (Applebaum et al. , 1997; Devine et al. , 2003; Gandolfi, 2006). According to Applebaum et al. 1997), the negative effects on the survivors are under-estimated and organisations fail to take into account the difficulties of motivating a surviving workforce that is emotionally damaged because it has watched others lose their jobs. It is important for organisations to pay more attention to the survivors in order to support their financial health. Carswell (2002), in a New Zealand empirical study, established that the companies that based redundancy on fair pra ctices, and provided better out-placement for the victims, performed better financially than those that did not use such procedures. Kowske et al. (2009) reviewed survivor engagement during the 2007-2009 global financial crisis and provided further valuable insights. Using the Keneya’s Employment Engagement Index and a sample size of 9,998 U. S. employees, it was determined that employee engagement was significantly lower if redundancies had occurred within the previous 12 months. Kowske et al. (2009) found that although organisations were able to cut human resource costs, they are more likely to have a portion of their workforce disengaged – fertile ground for the symptoms that accompany survivor sickness. An example of a lack of insight regarding survivor sickness was demonstrated in the downsizing of the Deloitte (New Zealand) Enterprise Risk Management Team, in May 2008 (personal information). The first problem was that just two weeks prior to the redundancy announcement, a statement was made by one of the partners to the team, stating that no-one should be concerned about their jobs. Another problem was that the downsizing process was not transparent and no employee below partner level was involved in the consultation. Not only wew the staff made redundant effected, but also the surviving employees who exhibited traditional symptoms of survivor sicknesses: feelings of distrust, anger and low moral due to their perceived unfairness of the decision process. The result of this survivor sickness was that, by the end of the following year, the entire senior management team had voluntarily left the firm, taking with them valuable skills and experience. Such attrition is consistent with Trevor and Nyberg’s (2008) findings that voluntary turnover rates increased within 24 months following the downsizing event. It is clear that management must pay more attention to survivors in order to minimise survivor syndromes. The literature highlights four key improvements to current downsizing methods, in order to minimize survivor syndromes. Firstly, a detailed strategy must be devised, this is because planning has been identified as a pivotal issue in the success of downsizing (Applebaum et al. , 1997; Gandolfi, 2008). The strategic plan should establish how the survivors will be taken care of during the downsizing process (Gandolfi, 2009). This includes giving survivors access to honest, timely and unbiased information (Dolan et al. , 2000) as well as access to counselling, support and help (Allen, 1997). Second, training must be improved as it is identified as key tool to combat survivor sickness (Dolan et al. , 2000; Farrell & Mavondo, 2004; Makawatsakul & Kleiner, 2003). The retrenched individuals often leave with key skills that must be taught to the surviving employees. Third, managers are recommended to communicate the long term business strategy to the surviving employees, n order to create a shared vision for the future of the firm (Cobb, Wooten & Folger, 1995). Last, fairness in the way the redundancies are selected and implemented including open communication lines are valuable to support trust within the organisation (Hopkins & Weathington, 2006). For example, retirement programs are viewed as more fair downsizing methods by survivors and lead to increased commitment (De Witt, Trevio & Mollica, 1998). Execut ioners are the group of survivors that form the third category of people affected by downsizing. Executioners are the individuals entrusted to plan, carry out and evaluate the downsizing (Gandolfi, 2009). Other synonyms for executioners include ‘downsizing agents’ (Clair & Dufresne, 2004) and ‘downsizers’ (Burke, 1998). The effects on such personnel are important because downsizers are commonly employees and managers, who can have a large impact on the success of the change. This is because the executioners have power to influence employees and power to employ tools and techniques to minimise harm. Although they are a category of survivors, the executioners experience differs to that of the survivors because of their heavy responsibilities, in executing the downsizing, managing relationships with the retrenched individuals as well as supporting the survivors. Gandolfi (2007) is one of the few academics to offer some insight around the experiences of the executioners using empirical research. Gandolfi interviewed 20 executioners from a major Australian trading bank and identified four key themes from their responses. The first was the very negative emotional responses and reactions from the executioners, including the difficulty and complexity the executioners had in selecting the downsizing victims. Second, Gandolfi also identified coping strategies, including the executioners distancing themselves from the task physically, cognitively and emotionally in order to preserve their own emotional well-being. In further research, it would be interesting to explore the relationship between the implementation of coping strategies and the effectiveness of the downsizing operation. Third, Gandolfi found that executioners with more experience reported a lesser degree of emotional distress. This is in line with Clair and Dufresne (2004) who suggest coping behaviours are learned with experience. Fourth, Gandolfi identified that the closeness of the relationship with the victims is also important in that the layoffs were more taxing when the executioner had developed personal ties with the victims. Another aspect of the executioner’s experience is their handling of the currently employed downsizing methods of stealth layoffs and across the board cuts. Executioners have reported that they are uncomfortable with the degree of secrecy involved with stealth downsizing (Gandolfi, 2009). For example, executioners have reported instances causing internal conflict when they have had to lie to employees (Gandolfi, 2009). In the case of across the board cuts, executioners often find it difficult of rationalize the unfairness of the choices and question their rights to be playing god with the individuals involved. The significant negative impacts on the executioners highlight the need for firms to provide adequate training and emotional support for the executioners (Gandolfi, 2009). Although more research is required in this area, it is apparent training should at least raise awareness of the range of emotions that executioners may experience, and include tools and techniques to cope with the emotions involved with carrying out the task. Clair and Dufrense (2004) suggest that throughout the process of downsizing, firms should make available to managers social forums, employee assistance programs and social support groups. The profound human consequences on the survivors and the executioners are interlinked with the financial consequences. Literature has identified that the human consequences of downsizing play a large role in the financial success of the downsizing operation (Carswell, 2002; Devine et al. , 2003; Gadolfi, 2008). The financial success of the strategy is particularly important to shareholders and to external bodies such as suppliers, distributers and allied organisations (Kammeyer-Mueller, 2001). A large and growing body of literature has investigated and measured the financial success of carrying out downsizing, and found that most organisations do not improve their financial performance after downsizing (Applebaum, et al. 1997; Cascio, Young & Morris, 1997; De Meuse et al. , 2004). The research around financial performance following a downsizing event focuses on tangible measurements of financial performance, such as examining changes in profit, share price and return on investment, before and after the downsizing event. However, it is noted that some companies do improve their financial performance by using downsizing as a strategy. Griggs and Hyland (2003) surveyed 1,005 U. S. organisations and found that of the respondents, 46% of companies able to decrease costs, 33% were able to ncrease profitability and 21% were able to report satisfactory improvements on return on investment. Only 46% of firms reduced costs due to poor planning, and this was because, in four times out of five, managers ended up replacing the very positions they made redundant (Griggs & Hyland, 2003). Wayhan and Werner’s (2000) findings contradict most downsizing research, in their examination of the largest 250 U. S. companies which had reduced their workforce by at least three percent during the period 1991-1992. These researches measured changes in stock prices and they showed that, in the short term, downsized companies significantly financially outperformed companies that did not downsize. However, it should be noted that Wayhan and Werner’s (2000) study uses a different technique, in that they treat time as a moderator of the affects. The rationale behind this is that other influences on the firm’s stock price will become more important than the influence of the downsizing event, as the time from the downsizing event increases. When Wayhan and Werner’s study was repeated using typical techniques (not using time as a moderator), the results were more in line with other research, showing small decreases in relevant financial measures. Sahdev (2003), Zyglidopoulos (2003) and Macky (2004) are among numerous researches showing that while a small number of organisations have reported improved financial performance, the majority were unable to account improved levels of effectiveness, productivity, efficiency and profitability in the short term. A typical example is Cascio, Young and Morris’s (1997) study of 537 companies listed on the S&P 500 between 1980 and 1994. After comparing average companies in the same industry, and controlling for firm effects, they discovered no evidence that downsized firms could subsequently increase profits or share price over a period of two years subsequent to the downsizing event. This is in line with evidence from New Zealand (Carswell, 2002). Furthermore, Cascio et al. (1997) found that downsized firms were outperformed in the short term by those companies that increased their workforce and also companies with stable employment. This study was limited by focusing only on extreme reductions of 10% or more. The long-term implications of downsizing on financial performance were investigated by De Meuse et al. (2004) in a more recent U. S. study. Using U. S. Fortune 500 companies, De Meuse and colleagues look at a period of nine years following the redundancy announcement, from 1989 to 1998. De Meuse et al. found that in the first two years following the announcement the financial performance of the firm’s decreased, in line with Cascio et at. (1997). However, at the beginning of three years after the downsizing announcement, De Meuse et al. found no significant underperformance of the downsized firms. Unfortunately, most studies provide little empirical evidence regarding why in some cases downsizing produces positive financial results, and in other cases it does not. This is because downsizing tends to be treated as a binary variable in research, that is, firms either downsize or they do not (Kammeyer-Muller, Liao & Arvey, 2001). However, it is apparent that not all downsizing efforts are the same. The following factors are likely to have an effect on the financial performance of the firm subsequent post-downsizing announcement: the type of reduction strategy employed (for example, across the board cuts, stealth layoffs, or more gradual procedures); the persistence of survivor syndromes; the logistics of downsizing (for example the size and frequency); and, the reasons behind the decision to downsizing. The lack of research in this area provides opportunities for researchers to further explore the downsizing phenomenon. The prevalence of evidence surrounding impaired financial performance following downsizing events introduces a paradox: why is the practice continuing to be engaged despite its lack of success? Cynics suggest that downsizing can be carried out in order to boost the egos of top managers at the expense of the organisation (e. g. Anderson & Cavanagh, 1994; Budros, 1999). Other explanations include the tendency of management to inaccurately anticipate costs involved. Downsizing generates direct and indirect costs, and it is the hidden (indirect) costs that are frequently underestimated by management (Gandolfi, 2008). Direct costs are less complicated to estimate and include severance pay, accrued holiday pay and administrative processing costs. Hidden costs include recruitment and employment costs of new hires, costs of replacing staff with expensive consultants, lost sales due to insufficient staffing, training and retraining, and costs of reduced productivity as a result of survivor syndromes (Cascio, 1993). For example Gandolfi (2001) reported that a European company (unnamed for privacy reasons) incurred an increase of 40% in recruitment, and a 30% increase in training and development costs for new employees, following its controversial downsizing. In order for downsizing to be engaged as an effective strategic tool, it is clear that the benefits of reducing staff must outweigh all the costs. It has become clear that management must consider very carefully whether downsizing is appropriate for their firm, and they need to pay careful attention to the hidden costs. According to Allen (1997) the key to successful downsizing is to focus on the people who make up the organisation. Literature has provided management with guidelines to minimise costs and harm. For the survivors, this includes minimising survivor symptoms through planning of the downsizing operation, training of the surviving staff, and using open communication and fairness in carrying out the redundancies. For the executioners this includes providing them with training. This essay has identified and discussed the effects of downsizing with regard to both the human and financial implications. It has been demonstrated that the human implications of downsizing can be sever and downsizing frequently fails at meeting its objectives of improving financial performance. First, the profound negative consequences of downsizing on the victims, the survivors and the executioners have been outlined. Next, the empirical evidence concerning the financial consequences has been summarised. Gaps have been identified in downsizing literature. Two areas of downsizing that could well be further explored include the experience of the executioners and the characteristics of downsizing operations that result in successful financial outcomes. The recent prevalence of downsizing activities over the latest financial crisis suggests that downsizing is a phenomenon worth exploring into the future.

Well Done Is Better Than Well Said (by Moshood)

Well done is better than well said Distinguished ladies and gentlemen, panel of judges co-debaters’ and my fellow audience a salaam alaykun. It gives me a great pleasure to speak for the motion quoted well done is better than well said. Well done is better than well said; says who, this is a famous quote of the popular old printer Benjamin Franklin. I strongly belief in the saying action speaks louder than voice I don’t believe in words I believe in action, do you believe in words?!!! We have been living in a world of unfulfilled promises, a world where liberty only lies in words, have we not heard enough of the sweet coated words of our governments and president, how long are we going to remain in this? , there are billions of promises yet to be fulfilled by our leaders, if we had known that their words were nothing we would not have voted for them!!! How much do you all trust your political leaders, whose sugar coated has no meaning save empty and pseudo promises. The government promises peace but yet killing of men is like that of killing chickens, the death rate has is on the rise and the burial ground keeps receiving visitors, well its so sad to know that words are easily said, forgotten and betrayed but actions are not. What would you say about the rising rate of unemployment, can you count the times government have promised employment opportunities, well don’t be surprised because words however sweet and pleasant will remain word if not accompanied with action. We need action to change the bearing of this country, we are potentially endowed yet the words of our leaders play little to bring us to the share of progress. Honorable judges, People easily speak about what they can’t do, why cant men let their action speak for them, wise men don’t speak their action speaks for them, because action removes the doubt that theory cannot solve. Coming down the stairs to our social lives; deceit, betrayal and lies has become a day to day activity, the three words â€Å"I LOVE YOU â€Å"has ended up many homes hopeless , unhappy and has even lead to so many torn homes , he claims to love her but never show care, he claims to love her but have no time for her, he deceived her with the words â€Å"I LOVE YOU â€Å" only to make her suffer and unhappy, he betrayed her trust in his words, he made her wish she knew the devil inside him but no, she only saw his sweet coated words initially, now she knows that its not what we say that shows who we really are, but rather what we do. Daddy tells me a thousands time I love you but has always been busy in is office and has no time to spend with me, no time to share problems together, no time to tell me stories and teach me about moral values. Would you prefer a thousand words to a good deed? I would rather stick to a good deed rather than a thousand words. Let me remind you of the fact that winners have program but losers have excuse, why should one preach what one can not do, doing something well is more powerful and effective than saying it well, all talk no action makes someone a boastful idiot that tries to build the skyscraper with his or her mouth.

Harvey Milk Essay

Harvey Bernard Milk was an American politician who is known for being the first man to be elected to a public office while being openly gay (Scruggs). He was born in the year 1930 May 22 and was murdered on November 27, 1978. Up until this time, he made a name as a San Francisco civil rights activist who largely helped campaign for the rights of homosexuals hence opening up the American society to gay and lesbian issues (Milk Foundation). However, this was not the only field he dealt with but as a human rights visionary, he championed improvement of education, housing, child care and public transportation. He started off his numerous professions by joining the Navy in 1951 from which he was honorably discharged in 1955 in the rank of junior lieutenant (Milk Foundation). He then took up a teaching job in a high school and afterwards did finance jobs. All this time he was not in the public limelight until a 1970 protest of Cambodian invasion by America where he publicly burned his BankAmericard. He was then dismissed from his job after which he tried in vain to vie for public office in the Board of Supervisors three times in San Francisco triggered by a public scandal known as the Watergate. However he finally succeeded in 1977 becoming the first gay official to be thus elected. Milk’s agenda in politics consisted of campaigns for the government to respond to individual needs, emphasis on gay rights and also retention of San Francisco neighborhoods uniqueness (Gardner, and Krakow 31). During this tenure a gay rights law was passed barring discrimination of persons in respect to housing and employment based on sexual orientation. In the same period, it was announced that more gay persons were to be hired as police officers. Milk also initiated programs that were to benefit minority groups, the elderly and also workers. He gained popularity for being behind the quashing of a senate proposal to bar gay and lesbian teachers from public schools in California. Milk was shot on November 27 1978 in City Hall by Dan White a former city supervisor who protested at the passage of the gay rights law (Jim 71). This resulted to nationwide protest with riots erupting in San Francisco especially in light of the light sentence handed to Dan White who later committed suicide. The advantages of Harvey Milk are mainly entrenched in his human rights campaigns. He was bold to fight against the government of the day and as a result programs to cater for transport issues and housing especially for the poor were created. In addition, Milk was able to champion causes against corruption in government evidenced by his initial prompting to join politics during the Watergate scandal which led to the resignation of President Richard Nixon (Scruggs). Milk can be said to have generally influenced generations to stand up and fight for their rights especially in the face of strong opposition. He is said to indeed be an inspiration. The disadvantages on the other hand are mainly entrenched in moral issues which his main adversaries fielded (Scruggs). Such persons argue that Milk made mistakes that have had rippling effects on society especially on moral grounds. Milk is said to have helped open up society to violation of family values that are central to the advancement of society. His bold stand in favor of homosexuality is demonized by many. In addition, it can be argued that Milk’s hard-line stand on various issues was one of his grave mistakes. It can be said that such stands caused unnecessary friction in society and upset social harmony by inciting people against the government. Despite these shortcomings milk has been immortalized as evidenced in the names of Harvey Milk Democratic Club, the Harvey Milk High School in New York and the annual Harvey Milk Memorial Parade in San Francisco.

The Impact in Your Life

* Please describe the impact your adversities have had on your life. When my sisters and I first came to the United States I had trouble understanding American English. Though we had been taught English in our school in the camp we were not prepared to learn in a completely English environment in a completely new culture. The transition was quite a challenge for us, not to mention starting well into the second half of the school year, but we pressed through and managed to get good grades.Everything has been completely new for me and my family and although we have received help, life here has been full of its own challenges. I sometimes become depressed when I am stuck at home do nothing. This new world has been especially challenging and complicated for my parents because they don’t understand or know how to speak English. They are learning, however, by taking classes. Currently, they are learning how to say all the food names in English.Another trial for us right now is the f act that my parents don’t work because they don’t know how to speak English and so it has been nearly impossible for them to find jobs and so support our family. When I think about all our challenges, new and old, I usually became frustrated and depressed even though I can understand and speak English well, but when I think about my parents and the fact that they don’t even understand what everyone else here is saying, I wonder how they must feel.Sometimes I listen to the conversation between my mom and dad about being very depressed and worried. Being a daughter I try to make them feel better by serving as an interpreter for them so that can function wherever they want to go. We also try to take them to meet other people who are also from Nepal so that they can share their feelings and try to find relief in this new country. *

Professionalism of aviation in human factor Essay

Professionalism of aviation in human factor - Essay Example The authors also believe that knowledge in the aviation industry is accumulated through several years of experience, training, and exposure to the real world. A lot of accidents have been reported, and 75% of them have been due to unprofessionalism from the pilots and crew members (Kinnaird). The paper looks at an insight of several accidents that have been reported to have been caused by unprofessionalism of the crew members. However, judgment is considered as one of the fundamental aspects in maintaining professionalism in the aviation industry. Judgment acts as a basis of safety according to the authors. The authors argue that it is also through training and discipline that professionalism is developed. As a pilot, courage is necessary while making decisions and accepting the responsibility of the actions an individual takes as a pilot. That is because pilots carry lots of human lives that must be protected. Research indicates that a lot of errors that occur in the aviation industry are usually caused by pilot error. The researchers argue that their findings put pilot errors at 75% of all the mishaps that occur in the aviation industry by the year 2000 (Thompson). It has also been found that personal problems such as medical conditions, stress and family instability also contribute to pilot errors. Alcoholism has also been pointed out by many researchers as a cause for unprofessionalism. Lack of adequate training and newly acquired rules in the aviation industry has also been cited (Rizzo). It must be noted that the current world is quickly changing in terms of science and technology something that has also been rampant in the aviation industry. For this reason, the National Transportation Safety Board insists in atomization in order to enhance professionalism and safety in the industry. Social problems like welcoming a new born in the

Cultural Studies Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Cultural Studies - Essay Example 84). The preceding quote very explicitly identifies several forms of essentialism, those being biological, social and cognitive essentialism, and holds as universal to all women. In other words, gender is not just an inherently biological characteristic but it is equally so a matter of cognitive perception and social attribute. Grosz’s definition or understanding of feminism emerges from within her understanding of essentialism and its correlation to gender. Equality feminism is somewhat at odds with the essentialist representations of the female gender. As Genovese (1996) explains, this feminist ideology highlights the similarities between men and women, irrespective of biological differences, and argues gender equality on the basis of the similarities. This stance may be interpreted as a negation of essentialism, insofar as it only concedes to biological differences but does not acknowledge the inherent importance of social and cognitive essentialism. In direct comparison to equality feminism, feminism of difference emphasizes the differences between the genders. As Ebert (1993) explains, difference feminism argues that the sexes are fundamentally different but that differences, whether cognitive or social, do not negate the equality of the sexes, or make one more equal than the other. This feminist ideology is reflective of essentialism. In the final analysis, and speaking from a subjective viewpoint, essentialism is an inescapable reality. The sexes are not just different because of biology but because of cognitive and societal perceptions. Equality feminism, insofar as it fails to acknowledge the aforementioned, is weak. Its weakness is rooted in its assumption that equality is only applicable to those, or that, which are alike. Difference feminism, on the other hand, draws its strength from its recognition of essentialism and its understanding of the fact that equality does not have